Shucking Corn
Thursday, May 24th, 2007I’ve been meaning to apologize for the corny aspects of the poem I dashed off below in a matter of minutes (excuses, excuses) since I am striving to wrench any corniness from the first couple of chapters of the novel on which I’m working right now. I called Peter Staley, one of my most unsentimental friends, and asked him to read the poem and tell me if he thought it were too corny. He called back and said, “Yeah, it’s corny. You knew that. That’s why you called me. But it does tweak your interest as well. So keep it on the blog.” Since I haven’t been “tweaked” myself in a while, I followed his advice. But just wanted to let you know that I rolled my own eyes while writing it so read it with the same spirit.
To change the subject completely, something that I didn’t find corny was an editorial I wrote for my high school newspaper when I was sixteen years old. Sixteen! One of the joys of having written my memoir and continuing to write these posts on my blog is that people from my Mississippi past have contacted me. One of those people was a schoolmate from Forest High School, Robert Bliss, who is still one of the smartest people I’ve ever met in a life of meeting smart people. He had saved one of our old school newspapers and thought I’d like to read it. Here is the editorial I wrote in 1973 regarding amnesty for Vietnam draft dodgers, which was a hotly debated topic during my teenage years, just as amnesty for illegal aliens is such a heated topic this week in Washington. Some things never change. But I thought you’d like to read how uncorny I was as a teenager. I’m trying to get back in touch with that uncorny teenager that could come up with something like this. It’s so unsentimental, so uncorny, I wonder if I could have plagiarized it. But I don’t think my journalism teacher, Judy Lewis - where are you Judy? I’d love to hear from you. You are acknowledged, by the way, at the beginning of Mississippi Sissy - would have published it if it were or she had any questions that I had not written it myself back then. I was always a bit precocious, especially in my liberal leanings in that still paleoconservative state of Mississippi. Anway, here is an excerpt for that long editorial that could perhaps still speak to us today.
The editorial:
The other day I heard two women talking at a local drugstore. The conversation went something like this.
Mrs. X: A few short years ago most of us supported the war.
Mrs. Y: I supported the war.
Mrs. X: While most of us today oppose the war.
Mrs. Y: I oppose the war.
Mrs. X: And according to the polls, think it’s immoral.
Mrs. Y: I think it’s immoral.
Mrs. X: So the question is what to do with those thousands of young men who thought the war was immoral years before we thought the war was immoral and deserted to Canada and Sweden - shouldn’t they be granted amnesty?
Mrs. Y: ABSOLUTELY NOT!!!!!
Mrs. X: Why not?
Mrs. Y: Premature morality.
That discussion was held a few weeks ago, before the peace announcement. But now that peace, or at least peace for the U.S., is apparent, the amnesty question has become a greater issue than ever. Let’s look at both sides.
First of all the word itself is from the Greek “amnestea,” which means “forgetfulness.” The first recorded amnesty was granted by Athens in 403 B.C. to most of those who had collaborated with Athens’ Spartan conquerers after the Pelopponnesian War. The Romans, on occasion, continued the practice, which they called “restitutio in integrum,” and many other states since then have granted amnesty to achieive reconciliation after a civil war or a period of internal strife.
But the question did not take on major popportions until World War II. Sixteen months after V-J Day, President Truman responded to public pressures and established a three-man amnesty board to determine whether those who had been convicted of refusing to fight should be punished. The board was less than lenient, partially because WWII had wide popular support. Of course, of the more than 15,000 cases considered, only about 1500 men were pardoned, most of them on religious grounds. “Intellectual, political, or sociological convictions” against the war were not accepted as excuses and clemency was not granted to those who, in the board’s words, “set themselves up as wiser and more competent than society to determine their duty to come ot the defense of their nation.”
This amnesty question, however, is a complex one with no clear-cut historical precedents that would apply in blanket form to the present problem.
The deep and violent divisions of the Vietnam War have left the United States with this unprecedented problem of what to do about the estimated 30,000 deserters and between 70,000 and 100,000 draft evaders.
Many bills providing for various forms of amnesty have been introduced in Congress and both candidates for the presidency in 1972 made it a campaign issue of deep and explosive emotional content.
Many ask the question: Would it be fair to those who fought to forgive those who refused? This is the emotional crux of the problem. But maybe that is just the problem - we look at this question of amnesty too emotionally. Maybe if we were more practical about it.
One of the most practical reasons for opposing amnesty has been: How could the U.S. ever field an army of draftees again if it established the precedent that draft evasion will be forgiven? Well, the Nixon Adminstration has gone so far as to do away that reason by doing away with the draft altogether.
Also opponents argue that while amnesty might reconcile one group, it would embitter many Americans. Healing some wounds, it would exacerbate others. Sentator Robert Taft, Jr., a Republican with impeccable credentials who went so far in December of 1971 as to introduce a bill to grant amnesty to draft resisters with the stiff provision that it be coupled with three years in compensatory military or civilian federal service - can attest to the bitterness of those who oppose amnesty. He asked one protester what should be done about draft evaders if his plan was to be rejected. The answer: “Shoot them!”
But since the Vietnam War is like not other war in our nation’s history, perhaps no precedent should be sought in history. Many Americans had been against this war, but because they were ineligible through age, sex, or infirmity, were not forced to back up their beliefs with their lives and careers. Why persecute those, who, because they were young and eligible, did put their lives behind their convictions? Those now in exile or in jail include some of the most intelligent, the best eductated, and the most passionately concerned men of their generation. Most of them are a gain for their homes of exile and a great loss to the U.S> Why should this country so willingly, even perversely, suffer such a drain on its talent and spirit?
…..
In short, no other action except amnesty could be as effective in persuading us, the young of our country, that once again we can trust the humanity of our government. In this sense, amnesty would serve its traditional function: healing angry wounds.
But still, after all the arguments are made, both pro and con, two questions remain - one moral, the other practical. Does the individual have the right to decide which laws or which wars he will support? If he does, can any government survive?
“Human law,” wrote St. Thomas Aquinas, “does not bind a man in conscience, and if it conflicts with the higher law, human law should not be obeyed.” But also one might quote Socrates: “In war, and in the court of justice, and everywhere, you must do whatever your state and your country tell you to do, or you must persuade them that their commands are unjust.”
Yet there are some laws, even in a democratic society, that are so unjust that any man of conscience cannot obey them. Segregation laws are the best recent examples. Opponents of the war would say that service in Vietnam is another. But Ghandi and Thoreau and Martin Luther King, as examples, decided that unjust laws must be disobeyed but at the same time had to accept the penalties for disobeying them in a civil society. The country can appreciate the courage of those who have evaded the draft just as it can appreciate the courage of those who did not, but can it excuse the former brave young men from the consequences of their choices just as the latter accept the consequences of theirs. Maybe the draft evaders could perform some kind of service, as Taft suggested, in a poverty program or in the peacetime military.
As I close, I am reminded of a TV commercial that I saw a few days ago. It showed different portraits of different families as you heard a voice say that a certain man went to war and died for his country. That man’s son grew up, went to war, and died for his country. His son grew up, also went to war, and died for his country. Then the voice continued: “God had a Son, but He didn’t go to war. He chose another way to peace. If your son, like God’s Son, chooses another way, will you understand?” It’s funny, maybe the sponsors of that commercial should have been addressing that commercial to America itself - perhaps they were - instead of parents. It take that back - it’s not funny - it’s very sad. Bring all our sons home.

